Freedom Socialist Bulletin • Number 36 • Summer/Autumn 2007

Book review

My Israel Question:
A powerful critique of Zionist wrongdoings

Antony Lowenstein's book, My Israel Question, was published last August. Within days, a second print run was announced and the book became a best seller. Speaking to a crowd at Melbourne Trades Hall, Lowenstein laughed and said, "It sounds bizarre now, but before the book was published my publisher was concerned that it might be ignored completely, especially as the book talks about the media in a very critical way."
While Lowenstein — a Jewish critic of Zionism — has been attracting a readership among radical Jews, anti-war activists and those who support the Palestinian struggle, the response from Zionists has been savage.

Lowenstein described how Jewish News was providing a platform, well in advance, for those hostile to the book's publication. "About a year ago, Michael Danby, the Federal MP for the seat of Melbourne Ports, said, 'Melbourne University Press should drop this disgusting project.' He said, 'If, God forbid, it is published, don't give them a dollar. Don't buy the book.' I hadn't even finished writing it," said a bemused Lowenstein. Danby is a hardened believer in Zionism, a nationalist movement based on the idea that Jews can find a safe home only in an exclusively Jewish State.

Lowenstein was himself brought up in a liberal Jewish family and taught to support Israel, which he describes as "the default position in the Jewish community." At school he learned a sanitised history: "The Holocaust occurred and then the Jewish people found an empty land and they built a homeland out of nothing." Lowenstein notes that the version of Australian history he was taught contained the same racist flaws.

But an occupier's view did not sit comfortably and, in his late teens, Lowenstein began exploring alternatives: "It was amazing to discover that there were other Jewish people who questioned Israel, both the way it was formed and the way it behaves."

Promoting discussion. Lowenstein says that the aim of My Israel Question is to stir debate among Jewish people. He has succeeded and believes that the book has been getting a good hearing, because there are people keen to talk about the underpinning problems in the Middle East. "In the last month, I have received hundreds and hundreds of emails from both Jews and non-Jews who have told me that the book has helped them to have debates."
One of the things I most appreciate about the book is the clarity with which Lowenstein addresses both the problem of Zionism and the problem of anti-Semitism — both of which are equally real. The fact that the execrable Michael Danby is the only Jewish member of the Federal Parliament is itself an indicator of the existence of anti-Semitism. (For an excellent analysis of anti-Semitism, see "The persistent plague of anti-Semitism: where it comes from, how to end it" by Adrienne Weller in the October – November 2006 issue of the Freedom Socialist, available at www.socialism.com)

Lowenstein says the major theme of the book is anti-Zionism, which he defines as not believing in a Jewish State. "My view is simple: I do not believe in a Jewish state. But I do not believe in Islamic or Christian states either. Any religious state, by definition, discriminates against someone who is not of that religion."

Lowenstein also talks about a strategy designed to silence critics of Israel. Zionists frequently label Jewish people who criticise Israel as self-hating Jews, while non-Jewish critics of Zionism are routinely branded as anti-Semites. "Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism are not the same thing. Undoubtedly, there are some anti-Zionists who are anti-Semitic. Anti-Semitism is a problem; I am not denying that. But, in my experience, the vast majority of people who are anti-Zionist and who question the behaviour of Israel are not anti-Semitic at all. Labelling anti-Zionism as anti-Semitism is an attempt to shut down debate."

Antony Lowenstein speaks at Melbourne’s union HQ, Trades Hall. Photo: Alison Thorne

Alternative voices. Both Israel and the Occupied Territories are alive with debate, but too few alternative views are ever heard elsewhere. Lowenstein helps rectify this. In early 2005 he went to the Middle East to do background research. It was his first visit to Israel and Palestine. He saw first hand what occupation meant to the Palestinian people when he visited East Jerusalem, Ramallah, Jenin and Hebron. "The 'security' fence snaked around the horizon. The high imposing wall looked impenetrable." Lowenstein dedicates one chapter, "Journey into Israel," to recording his observations and sharing his discussions with the people he met.

This chapter makes fascinating reading. Lowenstein met with Kibbutz residents, socialists, anti-war activists, journalists, workers, refuseniks and Israelis and Palestinians from all walks of life. He spent a day with avowedly non-Zionist journalist, Amira Hass, who lives in Ramallah and writes about life under occupation. He met with the principal of a multi-racial school who fears many of his pupils will be unable to attend once the fence has been completed. He interviewed Matan Kaminer, a 22-year-old refusenik (a soldier who refuses to fight in the Occupied Territories), who spent nearly two years in jail for refusing to serve there.

This chapter spotlights the many Jews and Palestinians who work together for a better future. He interviews Uri Avney, whom he describes as "the grandfather of the peace movement." Aveny, who was a founder of the radical peace group, Gush Shalom, is scathing of "the self-proclaimed leaders of the official peace movement, Peace Now, and the Labor Party describing them as 'moderate parts' of the 'Zionist enterprise' that have very little to do with peace."

Power of the lobby. Lowenstein's book is both well written and researched and he is a bold Jewish voice speaking out against Zionism. The book is worth reading for this alone, but it does have some limitations.

A central theme of the book looks at strategies used by the Zionist lobby to silence its critics. Three chapters, collectively titled "Adventures in lobby land," dissect the role of Zionist lobbyists in the U.S., Britain and Australia.

When Lowensteain spoke at Trades Hall, the first question from the floor zeroed in on a key concern: focusing on the influence of the Israel lobby can downplay the more central role of Israel as the deputy sheriff for imperialism in the Middle East. The questioner stated that this focus puts the cart before the horse and asked if there is a fine line to walk. Lowenstein's conclusion in the book was: "while there is no doubt that AIPAC [American Israel Public Affairs Committee] influences the USA's policy-making, its aims tend to coincide with the superpowers' own perceived strategic interests in the Middle East. Despite the power of the Zionist lobby, other factors also shape US support for Israel. They include: the politics of oil; the arms industry and its influence in Congress; the sentimental attachment of US liberals to Israel's internal democratic institutions; the Christian Right's messianic beliefs; racist attitudes to Arabs and Muslims and the failure of progressive movements to challenge US policy on Israel successfully." Responding to the question, he said it's "the Zionist lobbyists doing their job."

Israel is armed to the teeth by the U.S. and continues to exist to do U.S. imperialism's bidding in the region. While the Zionist lobby in the U.S. certainly plays a role in shaping media coverage and getting wayward politicians back into line, it is simply wrong to suggest that the strong support for Israel in the U.S. is the product of the lobby's efforts. The U.S. supports Israel because it is in its strategic interests to do so.

One State or two? Lowenstein is similarly ambiguous about how lasting peace will be achieved in the Middle East. A section in his conclusion is called "the debates we need to have." He says, "a contentious subject that is routinely avoided in Australia is that of a one-State solution to the conflict, the idea that Jews and Palestinians should live together in an undivided, bi-national State." While I agree with Lowenstein's observation that discussion of this idea is "routinely avoided," I was disappointed that the book did not explore the merits of arguments for a one-State solution as a way to secure permanent peace in the region.

I took the opportunity to ask Lowenstein about this. He responded, "When I was in Israel last year, I went there with a strong belief in a one-State solution. What I found — from both Jews and Palestinians — is that many people do not want a single State solution." Lowenstein said that he "didn't put a single-State solution forward more strongly in the book," and he would "defend that decision." He went on to acknowledge, "It is true that a one-State solution is the only long-term solution to the conflict. But we cannot impose what we think should be happening when the majority of people think that there should be a two-State solution."

Lowenstein is wrong to argue that "it is not our place" to put a view contrary to those in the thick of the struggle. Sometimes it is those from a distance who can see what is actually needed to break through. Rather than it being not our place, it is our responsibility. While it is perfectly understandable that many Jews and Palestinians are unable to see beyond the possibility of a two-State solution, it is something we need to talk about. To leave Israel intact as a Zionist State, existing alongside a Palestinian homeland, would not be a long-term solution. Israel would still be a client of the U.S., advancing its interests in the region. The question of justice for Palestinian refugees would remain unresolved, and it would not guarantee equality and human rights for Palestinian Israelis. A socialist as well as a secular single State would also be essential to create an economy where Palestinians and Jews are equal partners.

When Lowenstein set out to write My Israel Question, he wanted to spark debate, and debates such this one are indeed "the debates we need to have." Lowenstein's book has, however, sparked an important debate about the nature of Zionism. I look forward to his next offering.

Alison Thorne